The Bill & Melinda Gates Foundation's endowment mainly comes from Bill Gates' personal fortune and stock in Berkshire Hathaway given to the Foundation as a gift from Hathaway's CEO Warren Buffett. In 2006, Buffett made a pledge to gradually give away all of his Berkshire Hathaway stock to the Bill & Melinda Gates Foundation, most recently with an additional 24.7 million shares in July 2010 [43]. Currently, the Bill & Melinda Gates Foundation is listed with the SEC as a 10% owner of the Berkshire company.
At the end of 2008, the Bill & Melinda Gates Foundation Trust had US$29.6 billion assets under its management: $13.5 billion were in corporate stock, $1.8 billion in corporate bonds, $6.1 billion in US and state government obligations, and $8.2 billion in other investments, land, and temporary holdings. …the Bill & Melinda Gates Foundation's corporate stock endowment is heavily invested in food and pharmaceutical companies, directly and indirectly (see Text S4 for full listings). The Foundation holds significant shares in McDonald's (9.4 million shares representing about 5% of the Gates' portfolio), and Coca-Cola (>15 million shares, over 7% of the Foundation's portfolio, not counting Berkshire Hathaway holdings). In 2009 the Bill & Melinda Gates Foundation sold extensive pharmaceutical holdings in Johnson & Johnson (2.5 million shares), Schering-Plough Corporation (14.9 million shares), Eli Lilly and Company (about 1 million shares), Merck & Co. (8.1 million shares), and Wyeth (3.7 million shares).
The Seed Project Co Ltd, she said, is funded through AGRA Programme for African Seed Systems (PASS). “PASS works to dramatically increase Africa’s capacity to breed, produce and disseminate quality seeds of staple food crops such as maize, rice, cassava, beans, sorghum, millet and other staples. This US$150 million initiative aims to develop seed systems that deliver new crop varieties to smallholder farmers efficiently, equitably and sustainably.”
PASS, Mwichuli said, operates through four sub-programmes which form a seed value chain that begins with educating a new generation of plant breeders and seed specialists and ends with improved seed on the shelves of village-level agro-dealers. “The four sub-programmes are: Education for African Crop Improvement (EACI); Fund for the Improvement and Adoption of African Crops (FIAAC); Seed Production for Africa (SEPA), and the Agro-dealer Development Program (ADP).
“PASS operates across the seed value chain to: Train plant scientists to breed improved varieties of Africa’s indigenous and staple food crops; builds the capacity of national agricultural research systems in the strategic fields of plant breeding and seed production; develop crop varieties (using farmer-participatory methods) that are disease- and pest-resistant, grow well in local environments, able to withstand climatic variations, and meet consumer preferences. … AGRA supports private African seed companies and farmer cooperatives to produce, distribute and market improved seed; strengthen networks of village-based agro-dealers to distribute the seed to remote farmers; strengthen associations of women farmers and farmers generally; develop seed storage and processing capacity; promote policies that accelerate the release of proven new varieties; strengthen seed regulatory systems; eliminate seed trade barriers; and harmonize regional seed laws.”
EDITOR'S NOTE: Part of the strength of African smallholder lies in the diversity of seed varieties that farmers save and replant. This method keeps seed stocks resilient in the face of weather conditions that can change from year to year. The innocuous-sounding phrase “harmonization of seed laws” often refers to breaking down barriers to trade, so that agribusiness companies can sell their wares, which are standardized seeds with few variations. Similarly, the vague phrase “breeding improved varieties” can mean marker assisted breeding or biotechnology. Either way it is the standardization of seed genetics, which leads to entire regions planting the same seeds; which in turn leads to dangerous vulnerabilities to changing conditions from year to year. Futhermore, as the article states, interest on agricultural loans by banks runs 20 to 30 percent, which places farmers (and the land they put up as collateral) at serious risk. Agriculture is a gamble under the best of circumstances, but the lack of genetic seed diversity and the usurious loans make matters much much worse.
FULL ARTICLE
http://www.ngrguardiannews.com/index.php?option=com_content&view=article&id=42027:agra-taking-seed-companies-to-higher-heights
PART THREE: ALTERNATIVES TO THE GREEN REVOLUTION IN AFRICA
Can The World Feed 10 Billion People?
Raj Patel 05/4/2011
Excerpts:
If you arrive in Malawi in March, just after the rainy season, growing food seems like a fool’s game. It’s hard to find a patch of red soil that isn’t a tall riot of green. From the roadside you can see maize about to ripen, with squash and beans planted at the base of the thick stalks. Even the tobacco fields are doing well this year. But there’s a rumble in this jungle. Malawi’s swaying fields are a battleground in which three different visions for the future of global agriculture are ranged against one other.
The first and most venerable development idea for Malawi sees these farmers as survivors of a doomed way of life who need to be helped into the hereafter. Oxford economist Paul Collier is the poster child for this “modernist” view, one that he presented in a scathing November 2008 Foreign Affairs article in which he cudgeled the “romantics” who yearned for peasant agriculture. Observing both that wages in cities are higher than in the countryside, and that every large developed country is able to feed itself without peasant farmers, Collier argued the virtues of big agriculture. He also called on the European Union to support genetically modified crops and for the United States to kill domestic subsidies for biofuel. He was one-third right: biofuel subsidies are absurd, not least because they drive up food prices, siphoning grains from the bowls of the poorest into the gas-tanks of the richest — with limited environmental gains, at best.
Collier’s contempt for peasants seems, however, to rest on something other than the facts. Although international agribusiness has generated great profits ever since the East India Company, it hasn’t brought riches to farmers and farmworkers, who are invariably society’s poorest people. Indeed, big agriculture earns its moniker — it tends to work most lucratively with large-scale plantations and operations to which small farmers are little more than an impediment.
Expanding territory for agroecology (part 4 of 8)
May 11, 2011 by Groundswell International
This is the fourth post in an eight-part series about how we can transform the roles of non-governmental organizations like Groundswell to make food sovereignty a reality. Read the
first,
second and
third posts.
Bern Guri says that in Ghana, “isolated examples of small scale farmer agro-ecological production exist, but the government of Ghana doesn’t see what small farmers are doing as relevant, because they are focused on larger farmers. They see small scale farmers as holding back production. We need to shine a light on the successful examples, but also create a market. To do this we identify capacities that farmers already have for agroecological farming and strengthen them and spread them. We work to document and disseminate the good work already happening so people know that alternatives exist.”
…The question of whether or not agro-ecological farming works for small-scale farmers in the developing world is perhaps the easiest to address. As noted above, broad experience along with a growing body of research and evidence demonstrates that it works for them on multiple levels. Even proponents of industrialized agriculture usually accept agroecology’s success on a small scale, but argue it is not viable on a larger one. Yet many farmers in the developing world are already adopting and practicing agro-ecological farming, and the only incentive they have to do so is that it brings them benefits—more food, less cost, an improved environment, healthier families and communities, greater resilience to shocks and so on. While there are a powerful set of actors with a major economic self-interest in promoting the sale of their agricultural inputs and technologies, the same is not true of agro-ecology. The only incentives for external actors to promote agroecology are social—reducing poverty and creating a more inhabitable planet.